Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 204

But given the current situation, can I still retaliate? Would a hardline approach against these people provoke even greater opposition? Although Saito Makoto has gone to the Naval General Staff, the Ministry of the Navy still listens to him. Minister Sakamoto believes that a direct confrontation is unacceptable; otherwise, the situation will become even more chaotic, and the reform efforts within the Navy will be ruined.

Although Togo Masamichi sat silently to the side, he focused all his attention on the conversation between the two. While he had sworn to Kawahara that his relationship with Shibayama Yahachi was merely a normal social interaction—after all, he was the one who brought Shibayama into the anti-Yamamoto alliance—Togo himself knew that his assurances to Kawahara might not be entirely true. If Kawahara were to fall, he certainly wouldn't be willing to die for him.

Although everyone referred to the Military General Staff as Kawahara-Togo's stronghold, Togo Masamichi did not consider himself a personal protégé of Kawahara. Hayashi Nobuyoshi was also his student, and if Kawahara could enjoy the benefits brought by Hayashi Nobuyoshi, why couldn't he? Therefore, his relationship with Kawahara was the same as that between Kawahara and Ito—a political alliance, not a private faction.

Before Kawahara's downfall, even if other factions tried to win him over, he wouldn't betray him, because Kawahara's path was his own path to advancement. If he could protect Kawahara, he would have a chance to become the Minister of the Navy. Defeating Kawahara might preserve everything he held, but it would also cut off his career path. Other factions certainly wouldn't agree to him following in Kawahara's footsteps to become Minister of the Navy, as this would allow Kawahara's faction to make a comeback—wouldn't that just be asking for trouble?

That's why he didn't delay Kawahara's desire to meet with Hayashi Shin-yi, arranging a meeting for the two immediately. This meeting would determine whether their faction would continue to advance, retreat, or disband. Of course, Togo's caution was also partly due to his trust in Hayashi Shin-yi. He always felt that this student could calmly provide solutions no matter how big the problem, so he would never draw any conclusions before the student expressed his opinion.

Lin Xinyi didn't spend much time figuring out Kawahara and Togo's thoughts. When he heard Kawahara hesitantly express that he didn't want to compromise with the opposing factions, he went along with it and said, "Actually, I think the current debate within the Navy is essentially because after Yamamoto left the Navy, the Navy lost an authority that was trusted by everyone."

Although Marine Minister Yamamoto had his share of problems, the Six-Six Fleet is unforgettable, a testament to his achievements. While we can attest that the Six-Six Fleet is outdated compared to the world's leading naval powers, for most naval officers and sailors, it is not only their livelihood but also their spiritual home.

As some officers and soldiers have questioned, can the Imperial Navy, having lost the Six-Six Fleet, still be considered a navy that defends national defense? Therefore, we can criticize the mistakes of Marine Minister Yamamoto in his approach, but we cannot erase his achievements from the hearts of naval officers and soldiers.

It's precisely because most people in the Navy haven't yet moved on from the era of Navy Minister Yamamoto that they don't realize you, Commander, have replaced him. This leads to the many criticisms you're receiving today, because they haven't considered that you are now the leader of the Navy, and Yamamoto's era is over…”

Hayashi Nobuyoshi's words greatly comforted Kawahara, as this was part of the reason he couldn't understand it. Despite being the newly promoted Minister of the Navy, Togo Heihachiro and Saito Makoto frequently used the rules established by Navy Minister Yamamoto as an excuse to deny him the right to interfere in the affairs of the Navy Ministry. What embarrassed Kawahara was that the officers and soldiers of the Navy Ministry actually supported this argument, believing that the rules left by Navy Minister Yamamoto could not be arbitrarily broken.

Kawahara's own men, however, did not stand with him on this issue. They felt that things should not be rushed and that old traditions should be respected, meaning that the various rules and regulations left by Yamamoto should not be changed in order to gain the support of Yamamoto's former subordinates. Only Hayashi Shin-yoshi was the first to suggest that the Yamamoto era should become a thing of the past for the Navy, and that the era of Kawahara should begin.

Regardless of whether Lin Xinyi could bring the navy into the Kawahara era, Kawahara was at least willing to listen to his words. Whether he could do it or not was a matter of ability, but whether he would say it that way was a matter of stance. Just this one sentence made Kawahara feel that it was much better than all his other so-called confidants combined. Apart from persuading him to compromise, they just blindly went for it, as if as long as they drove the opponents out of the central government, they could control the power of the central government.

Seeing Kawahara nod slightly, though he didn't say anything explicitly, Lin Xinyi knew that Kawahara had been moved by the words "End the Yamamoto era and let the Navy enter the Kawahara era." Although Kawahara's desire for power wasn't high, he was still an ambitious person; otherwise, he wouldn't have organized an alliance against Yamamoto Gonnohyōe.

Hayashi Shin-yi then continued, "If we want the naval officers and soldiers to forget the Six-Six Fleet, then we need another fleet to overshadow it, so that when they see this fleet, they will remember Minister Kawahara..."

Upon hearing this, Togo Masamichi asked with some surprise, "Didn't you say before that the navy shouldn't follow the path of military expansion? Now you want to build another fleet to surpass the Six-Six Fleet. Doesn't this mean abandoning our own principles?"

Kawahara opened his mouth, but ultimately remained silent. He didn't mind changing course if he could really cover up the name of the Six-Six Fleet. However, after thinking about it, he realized that the country simply didn't have the money to build another large fleet, and with Yamamoto Gonnohyōe as prime minister, it was really uncertain who would ultimately be credited for this massive military expansion.

Lin Xinyi didn't let the two continue guessing. He casually replied, "What I oppose is blind military expansion without a strategy. After the Russo-Japanese War, the Imperial Navy's continued expansion of its strength will only arouse the vigilance of Britain, France, Germany, the United States, and the Netherlands. Therefore, I oppose the upgraded version of the Six-Six Fleet, the so-called Eight-Eight Fleet."

However, if a suitable strategy is in place, then expanding naval power to achieve strategic objectives is, in my opinion, a natural course of action. Currently, the navy has only one strategy: southward expansion. Without heading south into Southeast Asia, the Imperial Navy cannot maintain absolute dominance in the East Asian waters.

Therefore, I certainly support building a powerful fleet to implement the southward expansion strategy. Without such a fleet, we cannot implement any southward expansion strategy.

Kawahara and Togo were both somewhat confused by what Lin Xinyi said. In the end, Kawahara cut to the chase and asked a question: "What kind of fleet do you plan to build to completely overshadow the Six-Six Fleet?"

Lin Xinyi organized his thoughts for a moment before continuing, "I believe that establishing an Asian joint fleet with Japan, China, and Germany at its core, under the framework of East Asian security cooperation, is the fastest way to make naval officers and soldiers forget about the Six-Six Fleet. In the future, whenever people mention the Asian joint fleet, they will think of Minister Kawahara, and the two naval ministers, Saigo and Yamamoto, will truly fade into history and become harmless idols."

Kawahara and Togo: "..."

Chapter 672

Chapter 672

Kawahara Yoichi was immediately interested in Hayashi Shin-yi's idea of ​​ending the Yamamoto era and starting the Kawahara era in the Navy. Now that he had taken the position of Minister of the Navy, he naturally hoped to leave something for the Navy, rather than just leaving a name. After all, Saigo and Yamamoto before him had already left enough deeds for the Navy to remember. If he only left a name, people would think that he was far inferior to Saigo and Yamamoto in the future.

Kawahara couldn't bring himself to compare Saigo Tsugumichi to him, but he felt somewhat uncomfortable being overshadowed by Yamamoto Gonnohyōe. Although Yamamoto laid the foundation for the navy and was the architect of victory in the Sino-Japanese War and the Russo-Japanese War, he was not Saigo after all. He didn't have as many accolades, and his achievements couldn't be said to be entirely due to his own abilities, but also to Saigo's support and the cooperation of his colleagues.

Kawahara did not consider Yamamoto Gonnohyōe to be an insurmountable peak. The fact that the new naval route could defeat Yamamoto's grand fleet route showed that Yamamoto Gonnohyōe did not have a very accurate grasp of the Japanese Navy's own position and the direction of world trends. Otherwise, they would not have had the opportunity to take advantage of him.

Therefore, after assuming the position of minister, Kawahara had no intention of following the established rules. He tried to make his voice heard as minister, to inform the navy that he, Kawahara, was now the minister, no longer Yamamoto Gonnohyōe. However, the power of the Yamamoto faction was indeed much greater than he had imagined. Yamamoto and Saitō's more than ten years of management in the Navy Ministry had left a deep imprint of Yamamoto's personal influence on the entire ministry.

The Yamamoto faction, entrenched in the Ministry of the Navy, had become inextricably linked to this central naval organ. Any changes to the Ministry's system would provoke spontaneous resistance from this behemoth. Even after the faction leaders, Yamamoto and Saito, left the Ministry of the Navy, the Yamamoto faction did not collapse along with their minds. They still clung to old traditions, attempting to use them to maintain the power and interests they had already allocated.

Therefore, whether out of personal ambition or dissatisfaction with the Navy Ministry's lack of obedience, Kawahara Yoichi felt that the current power structure of the Navy needed a thorough adjustment; otherwise, he would not be the Minister of the Navy, but rather the guardian of the Minister of the Navy's seal.

Togo, standing to the side, was not as excited as Kawahara. Although he also hoped to make significant changes to the Navy Ministry, he was not Kawahara and could not feel the resistance and indifference that the Navy Ministry had towards him. Therefore, he considered things more carefully.

Lin Xinyi's proposal was met with immediate doubt. He asked, "Japan, China, and Germany? If Germany is included in the Asian security cooperation mechanism, wouldn't other European countries have the same excuse to join? If Britain, France, and the United States join this cooperation mechanism, how can Japan take the lead? Wouldn't we be tying our own hands, having to ask these European powers for everything in Asia before we can handle it?"

Furthermore, you previously stated that the confrontation between the two major camps in Europe had already taken shape, and a war between Britain and France and Germany was inevitable. Now that we're bringing Germany into the cooperation mechanism, won't that anger Britain and France, thereby dragging Japan into the impending war in Europe? Japan probably can't afford to get involved in such a major war, can it? If the Royal Navy sends even a single squadron, we'll have to consider how to defend Tokyo Bay.”

Kawahara suppressed his anxiety and nodded slightly to Lin Xinyi, saying, "Vice Minister Togo's concerns are also very real. At this time, forming an alliance with Germany will likely cause unease among the British. Perhaps we can consider establishing an East Asian security cooperation mechanism based on China and Japan. I think that should also solve our current problems."

Lin Xinyi did not support Kawahara's compromise proposal. He frankly explained to the two of them: "The original intention of establishing the Asian Security Cooperation Mechanism was to support the anti-colonial independence movements of various Asian ethnic groups, so that these ethnic groups could support the Imperial Navy's southward expansion strategy."

To put it simply, the original intention of the Southward Expansion Strategy was for the empire to replace Britain and rebuild the Asian order. Therefore, as long as we attempt to establish this Asian security cooperation mechanism, we will inevitably face vigilance and pressure from countries such as Britain, France, and the United States. Judging from the Hibiya arson incident last year, our people simply do not possess the qualities of responsible citizens of a major power; they only want benefits and are unwilling to bear the consequences.

Establishing an Asian security cooperation mechanism based on China and Japan will not provide the people with a sense of security when facing powers like Britain and France. Under pressure from these countries, the people will quickly abandon this alliance and instead demand to leave Asia and join the European order. Therefore, the navy that proposed the Sino-Japanese alliance will bear the political responsibility for its failure, which would be political suicide for you, Principal.

The benefit of Germany joining this Asian security cooperation mechanism is that, on the one hand, it can provide its citizens with a false sense of security. Through the Anglo-Japanese Alliance and the Asian security cooperation mechanism, Japan has essentially coordinated its relations with the world's leading maritime and land powers, which means that Japan's defense has been greatly guaranteed.

We must instill in the people the idea that the navy has no intention of being hostile to Britain and Germany. The navy is only concerned with peace in the Asian region. If Britain or Germany breaks its agreements with Japan and threatens Japan with war, then this is a conspiracy by British and German imperialists, and has nothing to do with the navy's actions.

Only by making the public aware of this can we avoid the war responsibility for the conflict with Britain and France that would result from the navy's southward expansion strategy. Furthermore, Germany, within the Asian security mechanism, will also draw the attention of the British and French. Before Britain and France are certain of the extent of our and China's support for Germany, they will not easily exert pressure on Japan and China, because their national strength is insufficient to simultaneously open two battlefields in Asia and Europe.

Of course, we will not openly invite Germany to join the Asian security cooperation mechanism. We will require the Germans to first secede from their colonies in Asia, and then join the mechanism in the name of those independent regions. Other European powers may apply to participate in this Asian security cooperation mechanism, but they also need to first recognize the independence of their Asian colonies and join in the name of those independent colonies.

In this way, we no longer need to worry about European powers vying with us for leadership of the Asian security cooperation mechanism, because the powers' primary concern is the separatist tendencies of nationalists within their Asian colonies. I think engaging in political struggle at the conference is better than going to war with the powers in arms.”

Togo Masamichi fell into deep thought for a moment, while Kawahara was more direct. Too lazy to think for himself, he simply asked Hayashi Shinichi directly: "Is it possible for Germany to gain independence from its Asian colonies and then join the Asian security cooperation mechanism in the name of the independent colonies? The Kaiser is a very proud man. Can he tolerate the loss of Germany's reputation?"

For modern European countries, granting independence to colonies meant that they could no longer control them and had to acknowledge their independence. When Wilhelm II addressed the nation, demanding that Germany reclaim its lands under the sun, he equated acquiring overseas colonies with Germany's status as a great power, as if Germany couldn't engage in equal dialogue with Britain and France without a vast overseas colony empire.

This view wasn't unique to Germans; it was a common sentiment among the Japanese as well. While many Japanese might not have been keen on annexing Korea, Taiwan, or Mindanao, the prospect of these regions separating from Japan ignited their anger. This anger stemmed not from a perceived loss of tangible interests, but from a feeling that the glory of the Great Japanese Empire had been offended.

Togo Masamichi fell into deep thought, pondering the circumstances under which the Germans would relinquish their Asian colonies, hoping to find the correct answer himself. Kawahara, however, was unwilling to consider the question and thus directly asked Hayashi Shin'ichi.

As expected, Lin Xinyi gave the answer: "We only need to arrange a military exercise, using the German strongholds in Shandong as the target. As long as the Germans see their isolated situation in this exercise, they should understand that Germany is currently in the same international predicament that Russia faced before the outbreak of the Asian war, with no allies in the Asian region."

Then, we could use German capital to persuade Berlin to allow the German islands in the Pacific to become an independent nation, and then naturalize the German Far East Fleet into this new country. Of course, this new country would still be unable to maintain its independence after the outbreak of war in Europe, so they would need to join the Asian security cooperation mechanism established by Japan and China to obtain protection from the new Asian order.

When the German Pacific islands joined the Asian security cooperation mechanism, it signified the initial establishment of an Asian peace system led by Japan. This peace system was not influenced by Western powers and was a completely independent international organization. Asian nations, seeking their own independence, would also identify with this organization and try to seek its assistance. Subsequently, every independent Asian nation would become one of the organization's most loyal supporters.

Once the various Asian nations have achieved their own liberation, the global colonial system constructed by Britain and France will lose its control in Asia, and we will no longer be subject to the Eurocentric international order. Japan and other Asian nations will then become the builders of the international order, and the Western colonial system that has suppressed the East since the Age of Exploration will decline…

Kawahara now felt he had nothing more to ask, because Hayashi Nobuyoshi's vision of the future had explained all his concerns. Faced with the noble cause of "Revere the Emperor, Expel the Barbarians," was the strength of the Shogunate army still a problem? No, it was a problem to be solved. Similarly, in the face of a new international order dominated by Japan, the strength of Britain and France was not a problem; what they needed to consider was how to deal with Britain and France.

Ultimately, Lin Xinyi offered not a solution, but a banner. In the Chinese cultural sphere, the greater good always takes precedence over practical considerations. This is why the morale of the shogunate army collapsed after the anti-shogunate coalition raised the Emperor's banner, because the shogunate army realized that it no longer represented the imperial court.

At this moment, Togo Masamichi nodded and said, "Shin's proposition is indeed the right path. In the face of seeking to establish a new international order led by Japan, some personnel disputes in the navy are insignificant. As long as we raise this banner, those who refuse to accept our propositions should naturally be transferred out of the Ministry of the Navy. I believe that the entire navy will eventually support us. Although the rules and regulations established by Minister of the Navy Yamamoto have created the current Imperial Navy, they cannot accomplish the new task of establishing a new international order."

Kawahara felt much more at ease. After a few moments of contemplation, he said, "Then let's push forward with the cooperation plan based on Sino-Japanese reconciliation. Shinji, during your trip to China, this was probably the only plan you discussed with the Chinese, right? What are their thoughts on it?"

Lin Xinyi nodded calmly before replying, "The Wuhan Labor Party is willing to include other Asian ethnic groups in the Asian security mechanism based on Japan, China, and Germany. In Southeast Asia, they are more concerned about the independence of the continental countries, believing that French Indochina does not represent the region's historical traditions; it was a protectorate forcibly linked by colonialism. Similarly, Burma has not historically been part of the Indian subcontinent."

I think the Chinese perspective is valid. For Japan, the ownership of the Strait of Malacca, the Dutch East Indies, and the US-owned Philippines is more of a concern. After deciding the ownership of the South China Sea, the real issue lies with the islands in the central Pacific, a sea route connecting the Americas and Asia. Whether this route is in the hands of Britain or the United States, it would threaten the security of Asian waters.

In contrast, I would prefer German control of the region. After all, Germany is an extra-regional power in both Asia and the Americas, and their control of this passage would not pose any threat to the new Asian order we are establishing. To maintain its dominance, Germany would either have to cooperate with us or with the United States and the United Kingdom. I think it would be more appropriate for us to proactively support Germany.

During my time in Wuhan, I also communicated with German capitalists in China through the Workers' Party. They also held a pessimistic view of the outbreak of war in Europe and were extremely interested in how to protect their overseas investments should war break out. Therefore, I believe there is a great chance of persuading Berlin through German capital.”

Kawahara finally showed a relaxed expression. He raised the teacup in front of him and gestured to Lin Xinyi, saying, "Then you should draft a plan and submit it to me as soon as possible. Not only is the navy in chaos, but the domestic politics are also in a mess. The army still hasn't given up on the idea of ​​expanding its military. It's really hard to say how long Prime Minister Yamamoto's cabinet can last. I think it's best to sort out the navy's problems before he steps down, so as to avoid causing even greater chaos."

However, Lin Xinyi clearly did not share Kawahara's desire to see others make a fool of themselves. He raised his teacup to thank Kawahara and then continued, "Actually, this plan also needs the support of the cabinet. The establishment of an Asian security cooperation mechanism based on the reconciliation between Japan and China cannot avoid discussing the Korean Peninsula issue."

I believe the diplomatic coordination work should be handed over to Prime Minister Yamamoto. This would give him a pretext to suppress the army, and you could quickly unify the navy's understanding of establishing a new international order led by Japan. Furthermore, since the southward expansion strategy is being launched, Taiwan becomes crucial. Currently, Taiwan is still under army control, which is clearly inappropriate. Normalizing the order in Taiwan is essential to making it a central base for the future Asian Joint Fleet.

To ensure logistical support for the Asian Combined Fleet, the shipbuilding industries of Japan and China need rational planning, which also requires the cabinet to promote economic and trade cooperation. Therefore, the Southern Expansion Strategy cannot be accomplished by the navy alone; it must be elevated to a national priority in order to resolve many of the problems.

Kawahara fell silent, clearly unwilling to share the plan with Yamamoto Gonnohyōe. However, Togo and Hayashi Shin'yō exchanged glances and then spoke up to persuade him, "It's not worth getting angry with Prime Minister Yamamoto right now. If Prime Minister Yamamoto joins the plan, then the Yamamoto faction will lose its biggest ally against you. From this perspective, it's still beneficial for you to have Prime Minister Yamamoto join in."

However, Kawahara was not a stubborn person after all. Although he was reluctant to share credit with others, Hayashi Shin-yi's plan would not only usher in the Kawahara era in the navy, but also pave a road for him to the prime minister's seat.

Kawahara knew very well that His Majesty would certainly not reject this new international order led by Japan, which would elevate the name Meiji to a height that previous emperors had never been able to reach. The Victorian era, which the British so admired, was precisely because it was the most powerful period of the British Empire, and the standard of this power lay in the fact that after the Crimean War, the British Empire had established a world order managed by the British.

Japan may not be able to reach the heights of the British Empire during the Victorian era, but as long as it can establish a new order in Asia with Japan as the leader, then Japan will have almost achieved the core position that China once occupied in East Asia. Nothing could be more tempting for Your Majesty than this.

Therefore, Kawahara was well aware that once Yamamoto submitted this plan to the Imperial Household, the stalemate between the Army and Navy would be broken. His Majesty would clearly side with Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, and the Army would lose its legitimate grounds to oppose the Yamamoto Cabinet. If he weren't currently only the Minister of the Navy, submitting the plan alone would only provoke joint resistance from the high-ranking officers of the Army and Navy. The Navy would obviously not approve of his selfish behavior; otherwise, Kawahara would have genuinely wanted to submit the plan alone.

After much deliberation, Kawahara Yoichi finally accepted Togo and Hayashi Nobuyoshi's advice and said that he would communicate the plan with Prime Minister Yamamoto.

Chapter 673

Chapter 673

　Looking out from the tea room where guests are entertained, you can see clusters of flower buds nestled among the green leaves. It's that time of year again when camellias bloom. Yamagata Aritomo used to think this was a beautiful sight, which is why he built the Tsubakizan-so here.

But as he grew older, he gradually felt that the camellia, with its long blooming period and its love of vibrant blooming, was no longer suitable for an old man like himself. Whenever he saw those intensely blooming camellias, it seemed to remind him that he was getting old, and that the connection between this bustling world and himself was becoming more and more distant.

Yamagata, however, was unaware that this change in his mindset had begun more than a year earlier. Before the war broke out, he was still preoccupied with the future of the army and the empire, unwilling to relinquish even the slightest bit of power. To this end, he did not hesitate to undermine his old friend Ito Hirobumi, forcing Ito to dissolve the cabinet and return to the House of Nobles to manage state affairs with these veterans.

Yes, Yamagata Aritomo did not consider himself a political enemy of Ito Hirobumi; he merely opposed Ito Hirobumi's attempts to change the stable political situation that had been established after the Satsuma Rebellion. In Yamagata's view, the Satsuma Rebellion weakened the Satsuma faction, and then the issuance of the Imperial Constitution drove the non-Chōshū/Satsuma forces from the court, thus establishing the stable structure of the Choshu clique controlling the court.

It was this nationwide unified system, established since the tenth year of the Meiji reign (1880), led by the Choshu clique and assisted by the Satsuma clique, that accomplished a series of political and economic reforms, enabling Japan to surpass the old hegemon of East Asia and win the Sino-Japanese War and the Russo-Japanese War. Therefore, Yamagata believed that the nationwide unified system since the tenth year of the Meiji reign was a perfect system, with nothing that needed to be changed.

In Yamagata's view, Ito Hirobumi was a truly loyal minister who cared for the empire, having launched a coup to expel the Hizen and Tosa cliques from the court in order to maintain the system established since the tenth year of the Meiji reign, and then forcibly passed the imperial constitution through an imperial edict.

However, after the Sino-Japanese War, Ito's leniency towards the Kuomintang and his loss of the spirit of selflessness for the country forced him, a military man who originally had no interest in politics, to step in and correct the nation's political situation—a truly abnormal phenomenon. Therefore, his dissatisfaction with Ito stemmed from Ito's susceptibility to Western constitutionalism, genuinely regarding the imperial constitution as an inviolable divine law. However, what is truly inviolable in this country is the unified national system that established that constitution.

Therefore, Yamagata clearly stood against Ito when Ito attempted to reform the national unified system, and he did indeed gain the support of many people, which enabled Ito Hirobumi, who was almost a dictator during the Sino-Japanese War, to quickly lose his dictatorial status in politics.

And who supported Yamagata? It was precisely those supporters of the nationwide unity system whom Ito had personally promoted. They all believed that the government exercised ruling power on behalf of the Emperor, and that the so-called parliamentary democracy's right to oversee the government was utterly absurd. This was because Japan was a unique imperial state; the government's power came from the Emperor, not the people. The Japanese people had no political power whatsoever, and parliamentary oversight of the government was, in effect, an infringement upon the Emperor's authority.

Ito Hirobumi single-handedly built the national system established during the Meiji era, yet now he's attempting to abandon it. These officials see it as Ito betraying them, not as them harming the nation's interests. Yamagata Aritomo was able to quickly seize Ito's political influence precisely because he himself was a member of the national system. When Ito Hirobumi tried to undermine the system he had created, this monster he had raised began to rebel.

In terms of personal relationship, there was actually no conflict between Yamagata Aritomo and Ito Hirobumi. In fact, as people from...

These two classmates, who have supported each other all the way through the Matsushita Sangaku school, have reached their current positions through mutual support. Their relationship can no longer be simply judged as good or bad. Putting aside political conflicts, they are truly the only trustworthy companions, because they know each other too well.

However, after Ito Hirobumi changed his political stance, the two were forced to become adversaries. In fact, this did not make Yamagata Aritomo feel old. This relationship of turning from friends to political enemies could no longer move him. After all, who among those who survived the late Edo period would be saddened by friends turning into enemies? Soft-hearted people like Saigo Takamori and Okubo Toshimichi had long been swallowed up by the ways of the world.

Therefore, the struggle between Yamagata and Ito was always kept within a certain limit. They could neither allow the conflict to escalate into a direct confrontation between them, nor could they prevent the other from being unaware of their position. For politicians of their stature, being misjudged on their position could lead to a fatal crisis.

Yamagata only cares about Ito Hirobumi in politics because he doesn't think anyone else has the ability to overthrow the Choshu clique's rule in the court. This is why he tries every means to force Ito to resign as party leader. Without Ito, the party can only stir up trouble in public opinion and cannot change the overall situation at all.

However, this war changed Yamagata's understanding of imperial politics. He suddenly realized that he was not as young as he thought, or rather, the younger generation below had come to regard him as an old man in his twilight years, so they all bared their fangs and tried to seize the position of the new king of the pack.

What he felt was more threatened than Ito Hirobumi was the rise of naval power. Saigo Tsugumichi's death gave Yamagata Aritomo a moment of relief. Saigo Tsugumichi was five years younger than him, and Yamagata was worried that he would reunify the Satsuma clique after his death, thus threatening the system that had been dominated by the Choshu clique since the tenth year of the Meiji era.

This is also why Yamagata repeatedly tried to get Saigo Tsurumichi to form a cabinet. He needed to understand Saigo's political leanings and whether they were consistent with Saigo Takamori's. If Saigo Tsurumichi's political stance conflicted with the Choshu clique, then he would have to eliminate this Satsuma clique's banner no matter what. After all, only the Satsuma clique, which controlled the navy, could pose a threat to the Choshu clique. No one else could threaten the military, which was directly under the Emperor's command.

However, Yamagata did not anticipate that while Saigo Tsugumichi's death brought down a great banner in the navy, the other descendants of the Saigo family were simply unable to uphold the prestige that Saigo Takamori had established for the military. Therefore, with Saigo Tsugumichi's death, the Saigo family became harmless members of the nobility. However, Ito Sukeyuki colluded with young political reformers, thus raising a banner against the feudal cliques in politics.

Saigo's death also freed the Saigo family from the constraints of the Navy. In the past, the Satsuma faction within the Navy essentially referred to the Satsuma clique led by Saigo Tsurumichi. Just like the Choshu faction in the Army, people would subconsciously think of Yamagata Aritomo, rather than talking about Takasugi Shinsaku, the founder.

Therefore, Saigo Tsugumichi's death had actually diminished the influence of the Satsuma faction in the navy. At this time, the Satsuma faction in the navy was essentially just a group of officers who claimed to be from Satsuma. They were completely different from the Satsuma clique that led the anti-shogunate coalition to defeat the shogunate army, successfully opened the gates of Tokyo without bloodshed, and single-handedly created the Meiji Restoration government.

It was under these circumstances that when Ito Sukeyuki, a key member of the Satsuma clique, advocated reforming the clan politics and opposing the Choshu faction's national system, no one found it inappropriate. This was because, in everyone's eyes, the Satsuma clique's mark on Ito was not so deep that it could not be washed away. If Saigo Tsurumichi had formed a cabinet and said he wanted to overthrow the clan politics, many people would have thought it was a joke, because Saigo himself was an indelible member of the Satsuma clique, and such a political reform would have been nothing more than a factional struggle between Satsuma and Choshu.

However, after Ito raised this banner, apart from a very few people who thought that this was the Satsuma clique trying to oppose the Choshu clique's rule, most people felt that Ito, or rather, that he had truly given up factional struggles and was willing to do his part for popular politics.

Because of the war, neither Yamagata nor the army could take action against Ito, who represented the navy in forming the cabinet. Yamagata then realized that Ito's naval cabinet had greatly impacted the old national system and opened a crack in the previously unbreakable system of civilian politics. This is why Yamagata had to accept the reality of Saionji forming the cabinet after Ito stepped down.

Although Saionji succeeded Ito as the party leader, he was also a member of the aristocratic class of the imperial court. Therefore, Yamagata could acknowledge Saionji's formation of the cabinet as an aristocrat, but did not consider it a concession to party politics. Of course, public opinion clearly did not see it that way; many supporters of party politics viewed this as the beginning of party politics.

Because of the series of reforms promoted by the Ito Cabinet that benefited civilian politics, Saionji, upon taking office, did not need to carefully test the army's bottom line on political reforms. He only needed to continue along the reform direction pioneered by the Ito Cabinet. Therefore, Yamagata was extremely annoyed with Ito Sukeyuki, which was why he resolutely opposed Ito forming another cabinet. Although he told the Imperial Household Agency that the Navy could form a cabinet, he firmly opposed the revival of the Ito Cabinet.

However, the re-formation of the Navy cabinet essentially signifies a rise in the Navy's prestige and power, and Yamagata can no longer easily reject the Navy's suggestions. This would have been unimaginable during Saigo Tsugumichi's time in the Navy, when Saigo Tsugumichi allowed the Army to interfere only with personnel matters within the Navy, and could only follow the Army's propositions on other national defense issues.

The rise of the navy deprived Yamagata of control over imperial politics, as the political arena was no longer a contest between him and Ito Hirobumi; the navy's involvement complicated the game. What made Yamagata feel even more powerless was the internal division and factional struggles within the army, something he had never experienced before the war.

It was a fact, not just an outsider's opinion, that the Choshu faction held absolute power within the army before the war. Although there was infighting among small groups within the Choshu faction, Yamagata Aritomo was able to stabilize the situation within the faction. For example, he placed Kodama Gentaro, who advocated expanding the Choshu faction's territory, in the position of Governor-General of Taiwan, thereby easing the conflict between Kodama and Katsura Taro.

However, after the outbreak of the war, Kodama, who had the support of the front-line generals, put pressure on Katsura Taro's faction. Fortunately, Kodama died in time, and Yamagata tacitly allowed Katsura Taro to suppress Kodama's faction, especially by driving Tojo, the leader of the first class of Army University, out of the Army, thereby strengthening the Katsura-Terauchi mainstream power.

However, Yamagata Aritomo did not expect that his attempt to bridge the factional divisions within the Choshu faction and to appoint Tanaka Giichi as the third-generation core of the Choshu faction would actually cause Katsura Taro to have opinions about him, thus triggering Katsura Taro's attempt to make his voice heard independently in politics. Although Katsura Taro was satisfied with forming a cabinet, it caused a direct conflict between the army and the navy, and also caused the army to lose control of the situation.

The core of the faction lies in the power of personnel appointment. Katsura Taro's attempt to make decisions on his own will inevitably lead to his opposition to Yamagata's interference in military personnel matters. The consequence of Yamagata's inability to interfere in personnel matters is that Terauchi orchestrated the resignation of the Minister of the Army behind his back. Although Yamagata was not responsible for the collapse of the Saionji Cabinet, outsiders believed that he was, because no one believed that he, a veteran of the Choshu faction and the father of the army, could not control the army.

To conceal this fact, Yamagata Aritomo couldn't expose his weakness. His status as a senior elder meant that both the Imperial Household and the Imperial Household believed he could control the army. If he couldn't control the army, what need would the Imperial Household and the Imperial Household have to discuss army affairs with him? This was also the fundamental reason why Ito, the newly promoted senior elder, was gaining increasing power, because Ito's control over the navy was no less than that of Saigo Tsugumichi.

The current situation in the Navy has truly surprised the Army. After all, the Army had previously thought that the Navy would be unified under the leadership of Navy Minister Yamamoto Gonnohyōe. After all, Yamamoto had served as Navy Minister for more than ten years, and the Navy had been deeply marked by Yamamoto. Saigo's granting Ito the status of a senior member before his death was merely to preserve a channel for the Navy to speak with the Imperial Household Department, and could not change the power structure of the Navy.

However, the facts proved to the Army that this view was wrong. Ito, a veteran, was not just a figurehead. Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's management of the Navy was thwarted. The Army's attempt to reach a defense policy of military expansion with the Yamamoto faction was also rejected by other factions in the Navy. This directly caused a split within the Army. Ito was actively opposed to military expansionism.

With instability within the army and an unclear future in imperial politics, Yamagata Aritomo naturally felt that the beautiful scenery of blooming camellias could not bring him joy, but rather reminded him that he was an old man who was gradually growing old.

Meanwhile, Ito Hirobumi, a guest in the tea room, was not much better off than Yamagata. Looking at the gradually blooming camellias, he said with a touch of melancholy, "I remember there were several clumps of camellias at Matsushita Village School. I loved sitting in front of the camellias to read in autumn. The sunlight wouldn't shine directly on me, and the light was bright enough to not hurt my eyes. It's been a long time since I've been able to relax and enjoy reading like that..."

Seeing the nostalgic look on Ito's face, Yamagata inexplicably saw his own decline reflected in him, which greatly displeased him. Therefore, he quickly composed himself and asked Ito, "Is the situation in Korea that bad that it makes you miss the carefree days of your youth?"

Ito Hirobumi withdrew his gaze from the scenery outside and turned to look at Yamagata. After a long silence, he said, "The Koreans, how should I put it, they always live in their own world and have no idea about the changes in the current world situation. They think that their own principles are immortal, and that as long as their principles are eternal, then Korea will never perish."

However, the current world situation is such that if one is not a tiger or wolf, one is a sheep or cattle. If Korea cannot unite with Japan, it will eventually become prey for Western powers. Under the ravages of warships and cannons, they will only become like the Native Americans of the Americas. Therefore, Korea's enemy is not Japan, but this ever-progressing era.

The annexation of Korea by Japan was merely a means of self-preservation for East Asian nations, not a deliberate attempt by Japan to annex Korea. The stubborn Koreans refused to accept this, forcing me to resort to force to suppress them. However, this suppression could only resolve the immediate problem, not the series of issues arising from the annexation.

Our country is now in a dilemma in Korea. The more we suppress the Korean resistance, the more we incite their national consciousness. However, if we do not take strong measures to suppress them, Japan will not be able to gain any benefits in Korea, and the Western powers will eventually make Japan their prey…”

Yamagata Aritomo found Ito's words somewhat puzzling, so he replied, "Just eliminate the rebels, then have the Koreans learn the Japanese language and script, and they will naturally pledge allegiance to the Empire in the future. What's there to worry about? If Europeans can do it in the Americas and other parts of the world, there's no reason why Japan can't..."

Chapter 674

Chapter 674

Ito Hirobumi looked speechlessly at the expressionless Yamagata, thinking to himself that this was the fundamental reason why he opposed continuing to maintain the national system. The unified national system established since the tenth year of Meiji was actually a correction of the political chaos of the previous decade. In order to truly lead the country towards enlightenment, he used forceful means to exclude other political forces from the political arena.

It should be said that Japan's development over the past thirty years has been built on the unwavering implementation of the opening-up policy by the central government. The unified national system eliminated voices opposing the opening of the country or believing that the opening method needed improvement. The achievements of the Meiji Restoration over the past thirty years have not disappointed Ito and other elites who advocated for the opening of the country. Japan not only defeated the former sole hegemon of East Asia, but also defeated Russia, one of the major European powers. Japan has since truly gained the ability to stand on its own and protect itself.

More than a decade ago, Japan wanted to abolish those unequal treaties and reclaim the privileges of foreigners in Japan. Now, these are no longer out of reach. After the outcome of the Battle of Cam Ranh Bay, the British told Japanese diplomats that Anglo-Japanese relations could be further deepened and some past treaties could be amended.

The reason the Ansei Five Power Treaties were delayed in being revised was actually due to the obstruction from Britain. Ordinary Japanese might have thought that with harmonious Anglo-Japanese relations, Britain would inevitably help Japan abolish these unequal treaties, thus the obstacle lay with other powers. However, Itō clearly understood that the only real obstacle preventing Japan from revising the treaties was Britain. The unequal treaties that other powers forced Japan to sign were opportunistic; once Japan had the power to defend itself and declared their abolition, those powers would only engage in verbal sparring with Japan, not actually come to war to force Japan to recognize these unequal treaties.

Only the British signed treaties with the Japanese in order to establish their world order. So, while Japan appears to be demanding that Britain abolish the unequal treaties it has with Japan, the British see it as a challenge to the British Empire's dominance over the world. If countries around the world that have signed treaties with Britain all want to renegotiate their treaties with Britain, how can the world order established by the British Empire continue to exist?