Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 111

Even Xu Shichang, renowned for his wisdom, was caught off guard by Qin Lishan's sudden outburst. Only Liang Qichao and Zhu Qiqian, standing nearby, heard Qin Lishan's words; both of them paled in shock. This was a complete revelation, something they hadn't anticipated. While both believed a war between Wuhan and the Beiyang clique was inevitable, neither thought it would happen in the near future. They reasoned that Wuhan's active involvement in resisting Russia and Britain had exhausted its resources, making a complete break with the Beiyang clique unlikely.

Xu Shichang quickly regained his senses, glanced at Zhu Qiqian, and said, "Gui Xin, what are you waiting for?"

After a few seconds of stunned silence, Zhu Qiqian said to his subordinates behind him, "Please ask Eunuch Cui to go back and question him."

At this moment, a voice came from the front, "Yes." At first, no one reacted, but soon Liang Qichao knelt down before Emperor Guangxu on the steps, tears welling in his eyes, and said, "Your subject Liang Zhuoru greets Your Majesty. After seven years apart, I am finally able to see Your Majesty's face again. I am overwhelmed with fear and trepidation..."

It turned out that the voice came from Emperor Guangxu. His previously empty and emotionless eyes were now filled with disgust and hatred as he looked at Eunuch Cui. At this moment, Emperor Guangxu had truly come alive. This was Qin Lishan's opinion.

Cui Yugui never expected that these people would be so unruly, arresting people without any reason. Although he had brought more than twenty eunuchs with him, who were originally meant to control Emperor Guangxu and the courtyard, he couldn't help but direct these eunuchs to step forward and intercept the police who were trying to arrest him.

The chaos finally ended when one of Qin Lishan's attendants fired a shot into the air. These eunuchs dared to fight the police, but they dared not fight someone who openly fired a gun in the palace. After Cui Yugui and the other eunuchs were driven out of the courtyard, it returned to silence. Qin Lishan noticed that Emperor Guangxu was not particularly frightened by the gunshot; his face only paled slightly.

Chapter 392 Dialogue

After a thorough examination of Emperor Guangxu's body, the British doctor hired by Liang Qichao said to Qin Lishan and others, "His Majesty's health is not seriously affected, but it would be best to quit opium, eat on time, and engage in appropriate daily exercise..."

Liang Qichao breathed a sigh of relief upon hearing the test results, but was also deeply saddened. When he left Beijing, Emperor Guangxu was not addicted to opium. It was conceivable that he had been put on opium while under house arrest, which must have been arranged by Empress Dowager Cixi.

"They want to ruin the Emperor," Liang Qichao thought to himself. He then earnestly pleaded with Emperor Guangxu, "Your Majesty, please pull yourself together. This opium addiction must be eradicated..."

Xu Shichang, Qin Lishan, and others stood below the steps watching this scene. Unlike Liang Qichao, they weren't concerned about whether Emperor Guangxu would recover. Xu Shichang was now pondering: what should be done next now that the Beiyang clique had been forced to choose sides? Qin Lishan, meanwhile, watched Liang Qichao's retreating figure, a sense of感慨 (gǎnkǎi, a complex feeling of mixed emotions, often including nostalgia or regret) welling up within him.

Five or six years ago, he was a reformer and could be considered a disciple of Liang Qichao. He was indignant about the Wuxu Coup and believed that if it weren't for the obstruction of the Empress Dowager Cixi's faction, the Qing Dynasty could have embarked on the path of the Meiji Restoration. But now he no longer holds such naive views.

By using class analysis to review the process of the Hundred Days' Reform, he understood that the Hundred Days' Reform could not succeed because it was a castle in the air without the support of the basic class. The purpose of the reform was an empty slogan of national strength, but the ones who suffered losses were the vested interests. The direct beneficiaries of the reform accounted for too small a proportion in China at that time, or rather, no class was a complete beneficiary of the reform.

According to Lin Feng, the compromises made by the Hundred Days' Reform to the vested interest groups could not gain their understanding, because their interests had indeed been harmed. As long as this vested interest group was not broken up or eliminated, the vested interest groups would rely on this group to launch a counterattack against the reform, making the Hundred Days' Coup inevitable.

However, no class truly benefited from the Hundred Days' Reform. The compromise with the vested interests meant that China's bourgeoisie and working class did not receive any real benefits sufficient to change their own fate. Naturally, they would not stand up and actively defend the reform. Moreover, most of China's bourgeoisie were bureaucratic and comprador capitalists. For them, maintaining the status quo was actually more advantageous, as they could obtain excessive benefits through privileges.

The reason why the Labour Party so clearly advocated the elimination of the landlord class was to get the peasants to stand firmly on the side of the Labour Party. This was because the land revolution proposed by the Labour Party would inevitably harm the interests of the landlord class. Therefore, as long as the landlord class was not eliminated, they would definitely fight back. This was an irreconcilable contradiction.

Under the guidance of this theory of class struggle, all the warm and sentimental false feelings were torn apart. Those pastoralists who tried to compromise with the landlord class and then let the landlord class join the great trend of the times were not fellow travelers to the Labor Party, but merely passersby who joined forces halfway.

The conservative faction representing the landlord class, and Yuan Shikai and Liang Qichao representing the reformists within the landlord class, were both seen by the Workers' Party as forces to be eliminated, albeit in a different order. With this clear understanding, Qin Lishan felt only a sense of感慨 (gǎnkǎi, a complex feeling of mixed emotions, including nostalgia and reflection) at this reunion of the emperor and his ministers, but no emotion, because their era had already ended.

As Qin Lishan was reflecting on his experience, Xu Shichang leaned close to him and whispered, "Now that the physical examination is complete, shouldn't we take our leave?"

"Don't rush, we still need to check His Majesty's mental state." Qin Lishan replied to Xu Shichang, then stepped forward and said to Guangxu, "Your Majesty, we would like to conduct another test on your mental state. Would you be willing to cooperate?"

Emperor Guangxu and Liang Qichao finally stopped their conversation. Both looked at Qin Lishan with some confusion, but Liang Qichao quickly recovered and asked Qin Lishan, "How do we test this mental state?"

Qin Lishan looked at Liang Qichao calmly and said, "Actually, it's not that difficult. It's just to see if His Majesty's memory and judgment have any flaws, so that the National Assembly can formulate a targeted treatment plan based on His Majesty's condition. Your Majesty, do you think you are ready to undergo the test now?"

Liang Qichao turned to look at Emperor Guangxu, and after seeing him nod, he said to Qin Lishan, "Then ask away, but since the Emperor has been under house arrest here for years, your questions can't be too outrageous."

Qin Lishan nodded slightly to Liang Qichao, then said to Emperor Guangxu, "Kang Xizhi said that he has written to you many times, requesting the establishment of a Bureau of Institutional Reform to discuss new policies, to set a date for the convening of the National Assembly, and to propose constitutional reform. He also argued that if our country were to adopt an autocratic system, with one emperor and several ministers jointly governing the country, how could the country not become weak?"

When the court discussed his memorial, you decided to implement it. However, Grand Secretary Sun Jianai advised that if a parliament were established, the people would have power while the monarch would have no power. You replied that you only wished to save China. If you could save the people, what did it matter if you had no power?

Do you remember this?

Before Emperor Guangxu could speak, Liang Qichao's expression changed. He knew very well that most of the stories his teacher told were false, merely attempts to promote himself as the leader of the royalist faction. But he couldn't expose this now, otherwise his teacher's reputation would be completely ruined.

Emperor Guangxu pondered for a long time before frowning and replying, "Kangxi did submit a memorial to me, but it was only to ask me to free myself from the Empress Dowager's regency and to govern the country personally. It did not mention anything about convening a national assembly or establishing a constitution. If I remember correctly, the suggestion to convene a Bureau of Institutional Reform to discuss new policies was made by Liu Peicun. As for the matter of a court discussion on a national assembly and a constitution, I do not recall any such court discussion, nor do I recall having such a conversation with Grand Secretary Sun."

Liang Qichao opened his mouth, wanting to say something, but didn't know where to begin. However, Qin Lishan calmly continued to ask, "Then please put this story aside for now, Your Majesty, and consider this: if Kang Youwei had really petitioned you to convene a national assembly and establish a constitution, what would you have thought? Would you have said something like, 'I only want to save China. If it can save the people, then what does it matter if I have no power?'"

After a long silence, Emperor Guangxu shook his head and said, "The reforms were to prove my ability to rule personally. How could I relinquish power? I wouldn't have said such a thing back then. But now..."

Seeing that Emperor Guangxu seemed hesitant to speak, Qin Lishan pressed on, "What are Your Majesty's thoughts now?"

Emperor Guangxu looked at Qin Lishan for a long time before saying, "I have been reflecting on this for many years and I feel that my virtue and ability are indeed not enough to save China. If establishing a country and building a constitution can save China, I will naturally support it."

Upon hearing this, Qin Lishan nodded to Emperor Guangxu and then said to him, "In the past two years, we have suffered from earthquakes, droughts, and floods, and we have also been invaded by the Russians and British. The national treasury is extremely depleted. The National Assembly believes that the palace expenses are too high and should be reduced by one or two percent to fund the national economy. I wonder what Your Majesty thinks?"

Emperor Guangxu replied quite readily, "That is how it should be."

Qin Lishan then said, “The National Assembly is located in Xijiangmi Lane, which is not far from His Majesty’s residence. However, because there is no direct access, we have to go around to Dong’an Gate to enter the palace. Could we open a door at Baoyue Tower so that the National Assembly can keep a close eye on His Majesty’s health?”

Emperor Guangxu looked at Qin Lishan with some surprise, but he did not point out that he did not have the authority to issue orders regarding palace affairs. He simply nodded and replied, "Alright."

Qin Lishan then said with satisfaction, "Although Your Majesty has some minor health issues, your mental state is still quite good. However, I believe that Your Majesty should not handle state affairs for the time being, but should instead focus your energy on recuperating and quitting opium first. Considering that Your Majesty cannot handle state affairs for the time being, the National Assembly requests Your Majesty to abolish the Grand Council and have the National Assembly supervise the Ministers of the Six Ministries and the Governors-General of the Provinces to form a State Council to jointly discuss state affairs. We will discuss this further after Your Majesty's health improves. What does Your Majesty think?"

As soon as Qin Lishan said this, the courtyard fell silent. The councilors who had come with him realized that their visit to the palace was not simply to check on His Majesty's health, nor was it to demonstrate Wuhan's power to the Empress Dowager. This was a direct attempt to change the world. They subconsciously glanced at Xu Shichang and began to have serious doubts about the Beiyang government's stance.

Liang Qichao turned his gaze to Xu Shichang; their eyes met briefly before quickly looking away. The Wuhan uprising had happened too quickly; neither Liang Qichao, representing the Imperial Party, nor Xu Shichang, representing the Beiyang clique, were prepared, but neither of them intended to oppose it.

The abolition of the Grand Council dealt a blow to the Empress Dowager's faction. For Liang Qichao, it meant an opportunity for the emperor to rule personally. For Xu Shichang, it meant that the Beiyang government would no longer be subject to the Empress Dowager and the Manchus, and could truly implement its own reforms.

The silence in the courtyard was finally broken by Emperor Guangxu, but he did not answer Qin Lishan directly. Instead, he said, "The eunuch Cui, who was just taken away, killed Consort Zhen. Can the National Assembly execute him in accordance with the law to comfort Consort Zhen's spirit in heaven?"

Qin Lishan replied without hesitation: "Does Eunuch Cui have any murder cases on his record? The National Assembly should conduct a public trial for him. If it is true, he should be punished according to the law to show the world."

Emperor Guangxu let out a long breath and said with invigoration, "My health is indeed not suitable for handling state affairs personally. I request that the National Assembly supervise state affairs on my behalf, and the Grand Council shall be abolished..."

On the other hand, the news that Cui Yugui had been taken out of the palace was quickly reported to Fozhaolou by the eunuch monitoring Yingtai. Li Lianying did not take it seriously at first. Cui Yugui was actually more senior than him, so he dared to throw Consort Zhen into the well himself. Li Lianying would not dare to do such a thing. Therefore, Cui Yugui was quite arrogant in front of him.

Upon hearing that Cui Yugui had been taken out of the palace, he thought it would be good to teach him a lesson; surely no one would dare take his life. Therefore, he delayed slightly before informing Empress Dowager Cixi. However, Cixi quickly realized the gravity of the situation. She smashed the porcelain bowl in her hand and angrily exclaimed, "Are the palace guards all dead? Not only do they tolerate outsiders bringing guns into the palace, but they also ordered Cui Yugui to be taken away, and they won't even let him be brought back…"

Chapter 393 The New Power Center

Zeng Chong, who was accompanying the parliamentary representatives, listened to the conversation between Qin Lishan and Emperor Guangxu, and his heart trembled. He felt that this was even more dangerous than the Boxer Rebellion. At least in the Boxer Rebellion, the foreigners only came to Beijing to rob the city, causing the Qing Dynasty to lose money to avoid disaster. But these foreigners from Wuhan were completely trying to change the world in Beijing.

However, Zeng Chong dared not utter a word in the face of this situation. He felt that his words carried no more weight than those of Eunuch Cui in the palace. Although people outside were praising them as the head of the eight great families in the capital, he knew very well that it was just ordinary people who thought that these families from the Imperial Household Department were relatively wealthy and were therefore praising them indiscriminately. The real masters of the Qing Dynasty were not them, and ordinary people dared not make any comments.

If the master above were to change, his house and wealth would be lost forever. Therefore, he dared not take sides or stand out. Both Wuhan and Beiyang seemed to have enough power to confiscate their property. In the end, the Imperial Household Department was merely the chief steward of the royal family. If the imperial power could not control these military men, who could he, as the Minister of the Imperial Household Department, command?

These parliamentary representatives first arrested the palace guards, then the chief eunuch of the Empress Dowager's side. He realized that these people did not take the palace seriously at all. They did not bring troops into the palace, but it was just that Wuhan and Beiyang had not yet reached an agreement. It did not mean that they did not have the power to change the dynasty of the Qing Dynasty.

Zeng Chong gritted his teeth and waited until the matter was over. However, after leaving Yingtai, Qin Lishan stopped and called out to him, "You are the Minister of the Imperial Household Department. You heard our conversation with the Emperor just now, didn't you?"

Zeng Chong lowered his posture and replied cautiously, "Yes, yes, I heard you."

Qin Lishan then said without any politeness, "Since you've heard me, then I'm informing you in the name of the National Assembly that you must open a main gate at Baoyue Tower within seven days, and deliver all the account books of the Imperial Household Department to the National Assembly within three days. I've heard that the empty mansion next door belongs to your Zeng family, so we'll borrow that mansion for now, and send all the account books there. From now on, you'll come to the mansion every morning from nine to eleven to reconcile the accounts and receive orders from the National Assembly. Do you understand?"

Zeng Chong swallowed hard several times before stammering, "This, this, I can't make that decision myself. I need to consult the Empress Dowager first..."

Qin Lishan abruptly interrupted him, saying, "The Qing Dynasty is a monarchical autocracy. I don't know who the Empress Dowager is. I only know that all imperial edicts are issued by the Emperor. You just heard what the Emperor said: until the Emperor recovers, all affairs are handled by the National Assembly. I am issuing this order to you on behalf of the National Assembly. If you consult anyone else, you are disrespecting the National Assembly and infringing upon imperial authority. You must know what that crime is, right?"

Zeng Chong's face was pale, but he still mustered his last bit of courage and said, "But the Imperial Household Department is in charge of palace affairs and deals with the Emperor's family matters. This has nothing to do with state affairs, right? The National Assembly is also an outsider; how can it interfere in the Emperor's family matters?"

Qin Lishan replied dismissively, "No, the National Assembly is not a foreign vassal state. We are merely representatives of the people. What we are concerned with now is not the Emperor's family affairs, but the management of the people's tax expenditures. Moreover, the royal family is also part of the people and should naturally obey the leadership of the National Assembly. I am merely informing you of the National Assembly's decision, not here to debate whether the National Assembly has this power."

Zeng Chong gritted his teeth and said, "I have a chronic illness. I can convey your message to the other ministers, but I'm afraid I won't be able to go to the National Assembly to receive instructions."

There are four ministers in the Imperial Household Department. Zeng Chong holds three of them, with Kui Jun as the chief minister, Ji Lu as the second, and Jing Feng as the last. Zeng Chong's words implied he wanted to quit, but Qin Lishan completely ignored him, saying, "You can go see a doctor if you're sick, and you can resign if you want, but you can't leave without clear accounts. I've heard that three generations of the Zeng family have served as ministers in the Imperial Household Department, and there are still several members of the Zeng family working there. Now that problems have arisen, you want to just walk away? Does your Zeng family plan to study abroad and never return?"

After speaking, Qin Lishan ignored Zeng Chong and left the palace with the others towards Dong'an Gate. Unlike when they entered the palace, where palace guards had questioned them, now the guards at each gate completely ignored them. Except for those required to stand guard, no one else even showed their faces. The news of Ying Kui being taken away at least stirred up discontent among some of the vanguard battalion officers and soldiers, who felt that these parliamentary representatives only bothered them, the lower-ranking soldiers who obeyed orders. They thought, "If you're so capable, why don't you arrest Li Lianying and Cui Yugui? What's the point of showing off to us lowly soldiers?"

But once Cui Yugui was forcibly taken away, the palace guards dared not complain. As for stopping him and taking him back, that was a joke. There were only a few dozen people in the palace, yet they dared to forcibly take Cui Yugui away. Weren't they worried about them trying to snatch him back? Why? It just shows that the outside world is their domain. If it's easy to snatch Cui Yugui back now, what will they do next?

If the Empress Dowager could still maintain order and wouldn't need them to snatch the person back, she could simply issue an imperial decree, and the people outside would have to release them. However, if the Empress Dowager's decree no longer commands authority, then their foolish attempt to seize the person now will ultimately be futile; even if the people outside dare not storm the palace, can they really stay inside forever?

The palace has always been a treacherous place; one cannot survive long without being shrewd. Therefore, faced with the order issued by Empress Dowager Cixi through Li Lianying, the guards all passed the buck and none dared to actually stop the policemen who were taking Cui Yugui away. Just like when Cixi ordered the emperor to be placed under house arrest, no one in the palace dared to stand up for the emperor, because Ronglu was outside the palace with his troops. Now, the troops outside were the National Assembly.

So, the policemen, with trepidation, led Cui Yugui and a group of eunuchs through most of the palace and out of the imperial city. After they safely walked out of Dong'an Gate, the policemen suddenly realized that there was nothing mysterious or inviolable in the palace. Now, the National Assembly, not the Empress Dowager, was in charge of Beijing. This discovery emboldened the policemen.

The councilors and reporters who followed Qin Lishan into the palace felt the same way. Qin Lishan's arrogance and domineering behavior in the palace, his frequent arrests and reprimands, and his willingness to use a gun even in front of the emperor made them feel as if they were not there to visit the emperor, but rather to force the emperor to abdicate with Dong Zhuo. They were worried that Empress Dowager Cixi would turn against them, and if the palace gates were closed, none of them would be able to leave alive.

Therefore, after their visit to the emperor ended, everyone rushed off, leaving Qin Lishan, Liang Qichao, Xu Shichang, and a few others behind. However, after they successfully entered through the Xihua Gate and safely exited through the Donghua Gate, these anxious councilors and reporters suddenly felt relieved. They began to slow down and wait for Qin Lishan and the others who had fallen behind to exit the palace together.

Meanwhile, Qin Lishan and his group, who had fallen behind, took advantage of the fact that there weren't many people around to discuss the aftermath of the day. Liang Qichao was the one who believed that cleanup was necessary, as he worried that their actions would jeopardize the emperor's safety in the palace. Therefore, he demanded that Qin Lishan and Xu Shichang take responsibility for the matter.

Xu Shichang actually didn't want to take responsibility. The emperor's role had essentially been fulfilled. If something were to happen to the emperor now, it would actually be more advantageous for the Beiyang government, because Yuan Shikai's actions during the Hundred Days' Reform would prevent him from reaching an understanding with the emperor. However, Qin Lishan felt that today's conversation with the emperor showed that the emperor still had value; a living Guangxu was more valuable than a dead one.

Therefore, he sided with Liang Qichao and pressured Xu Shichang, saying, "Mr. Ren Gong is right. There are still unresolved rioters in the palace, and at least the palace guards are problematic. I propose that all the palace guards be transferred to Beiyuan for reorganization, and then the Beiyang Army should mobilize reliable troops to guard the palace. Police should be added to the four gates of the Imperial City to jointly manage people entering and leaving, in order to prevent any unforeseen events. Of course, if the Beiyang Army does not have the spare capacity, we can also send troops into Beijing."

Xu Shichang could not accept Wuhan's suggestion to send troops to Beijing. Wuhan had expressed its desire to send troops to Beijing several times. In his view, this was Wuhan's ambition. If Wuhan controlled Beijing, then the Beiyang Army would be transformed from a central military force into a local army. This title could not be handed over under any circumstances.

He stated that the Beiyang government had sufficient strength to maintain Beijing's security, but also asked Qin Lishan, "When do you plan to announce the abolition of the Grand Council and the establishment of a State Council to oversee the overall situation?"

Without hesitation, Qin Lishan said, "Let's do it tomorrow. We'll release a full account of our visit to the palace today, as well as the Emperor's physical and mental condition, to the people. Then, in the name of the National Assembly, we'll send telegrams to the governors and viceroys of all provinces, explaining the necessity of abolishing the Grand Council and establishing a State Council. Starting tomorrow, the Grand Council must no longer issue decrees through imperial edicts. All decrees from the Grand Council must be approved by the Imperial Affairs Committee before being issued. Anyone who issues an imperial edict without authorization will be punished for treason..."

Xu Shichang and Liang Qichao also tacitly accepted Qin Lishan's proposal, which meant that the Imperial Affairs Committee replaced Emperor Guangxu as the holder of imperial power. It also meant that from this moment on, Empress Dowager Cixi and the Manchus were stripped of their power because there were no Manchu members in the Imperial Affairs Committee.

This also shows that the Qing Dynasty did not understand the concept of parliament. The Manchus believed that parliament was created by the Han people to divide their power, so they naturally did not attend the meetings. Moreover, members of parliament were not officials and did not receive salaries, which greatly reduced the Manchus' interest.

On the other hand, Han gentry also felt that the parliament should be a place for Han people and other ethnic groups to speak, because Manchus did not need to assert their political rights through the parliament. Therefore, when selecting members of parliament, Han people were given priority, unless it was in areas such as Mongolia where Han people were really not dominant, in which case a few Mongolians and ethnic minorities were nominated as members of parliament.

After the National Assembly convened, pro-court members of parliament were sidelined by the Wuhan and Beiyang factions and also failed to gain the support of those advocating reform, thus quickly becoming marginalized. The proposal to establish a Royal Affairs Committee was itself opposed by the Manchus and Mongols; how could subjects manage the affairs of their masters? Therefore, when the proposal was passed, those who opposed it were naturally excluded from the committee's personnel list.

Who controls this committee? It's in the hands of the Wuhan clique, the Beiyang clique, and the imperialists. Representatives of these three forces are all here; naturally, they wouldn't object to concentrating power in their own hands.

Chapter 394 Xu Mansion

When Xu Shichang returned to his alley in Dongsi Liutiao Hutong, the sun was already setting. His house was not far from the alley entrance, where there was a large locust tree. At that moment, an unfamiliar horse-drawn carriage appeared under the locust tree. Xu Shichang glanced at it briefly and then walked into the alley.

Upon entering, the butler came forward to greet him, but Xu Shichang asked first, "A guest? Where is he?"

The butler quickly changed his words, saying, "He's been in the master's study all afternoon."

Xu Shichang didn't say much. He turned and walked towards his residence, changed into casual clothes, washed his face, and then went to his study with a refreshed look. When he entered the study, he saw Yuan Shikai lying on a bamboo couch reading a book, looking quite comfortable.

Xu Shichang immediately laughed and said, "Xiangcheng, you are so relaxed that you can even concentrate on reading. I have been suffering all day."

Yuan Shikai quickly sat up, laughing loudly as he replied, "It's only here that I can slack off; I can't concentrate on reading anywhere else. Qin Lishan's telegram has really made me uneasy, so I had to come to Beijing myself to see what they're up to."

Xu Shichang shook his head and said with a wry smile, "They want to change the world..."

He recounted in detail everything that had happened in the palace that day. Yuan Shikai's expression changed slightly after listening, but he quickly regained his composure and said, "I knew it. Their entry into the palace was not simply to sow discord between the Empress Dowager and the Emperor. I just didn't expect them to act so quickly. But what good would it do them? Although they could remove the Empress Dowager, they couldn't control everything."

Xu Shichang sighed and said, "Yes, it's obvious to everyone that they're trying to force the emperor to abdicate. Even though they defeated the British and Russians before, their reputation and strength aren't enough to truly unify the country. If power alone could make someone emperor, why would powerful figures in various regions willingly submit to Wuhan? This time, we've been dragged into this mess. Now, the palace probably won't believe that our Beiyang clique was passively drawn in, because we've also gained quite a bit of benefit."

At this point, Yuan Shikai wasn't concerned about how much trust the palace still held in him. His failure to send a telegram expressing his opposition meant that mutual trust between him and the palace had been lost. However, the decline in the court's prestige was beneficial to his further control over the Beiyang government, so he was happy to see Wuhan take action to undermine the court's authority.

Ultimately, the cowardice and incompetence displayed by the Beiyang First Division on the battlefield not only greatly disappointed the Manchus but also boosted the confidence of the Han Chinese. For these Han Chinese governors-general and governors who held military power, if the Manchus were already so incompetent, then they shouldn't cling to power any longer. Yuan Shikai needed a court that completely obeyed him to counter the growing strength of Wuhan, but the Manchu-controlled court only wanted to use him to contain Wuhan, rather than fully support him in dealing with Wuhan.

Yuan Shikai rose through the ranks via the military, unlike those Qingliu officials who relied on their academic achievements. He valued the army as much as those Qingliu officials valued their academic rankings and reputation. This was the foundation upon which they each relied. Without the army, Yuan Shikai would not be the leader of the Beiyang clique, and without reputation, the Qingliu officials could no longer be called Qingliu.

Therefore, Yuan Shikai was furious about the Manchus' constant infiltration of the Beiyang Army. Even though Wuhan was clearly the enemy, these Manchu nobles treated all Han Chinese with military power as potential enemies. They continuously placed their own people under these Han Chinese governors and viceroys, or transferred and divided their key personnel, all to prevent them from banding together and threatening the Manchus' position.

Faced with the pressure of Wuhan's repeated victories on the battlefield, Yuan Shikai was simply not confident that he could achieve victory by joining forces with the Manchus. Just as he abandoned the weak Imperial Party during the Hundred Days' Reform, he now had no choice but to abandon the weak, incompetent, and arrogant Empress Dowager Cixi Party.

The news that Xu Shichang brought back was not bad in his opinion. Wuhan wanted to control the National Assembly, but was willing to give him the position of Chairman of the State Council. The position of Chairman of the State Council was roughly the same as that of Prince Qing's previous position as Chief Military Advisor, but he would no longer have to obey the Empress Dowager's orders. He would simply have to discuss important matters with Wuhan.

From Yuan Shikai's perspective, this State Council meeting was essentially a way for the governors and viceroys of various regions to divide up the power that the imperial court had previously held. Now everyone could govern their own affairs without having to worry about the court's interference. They could sit down and discuss any major events together, which was much better than being completely controlled by the court before.

Of course, the real beneficiaries of this conference would only be the Beiyang and Wuhan governments, because only the two of them had the power to annex local forces. Currently, the governors and viceroys in the provinces are almost all appointed by the imperial court and have not established themselves in the localities at all. Without the backing of the imperial court, it is truly difficult to predict whether these governors and viceroys can maintain their control over the localities.

If he were to obtain the position of Chairman of the State Council, it would be equivalent to gaining control of most of the court's authority, with the remaining portion in the hands of the newly established National Assembly. After all, if the dialogue held in the palace today were published, the National Assembly's prestige would be established, and it would no longer be an advisory body that the court could arbitrarily abolish. Since the abolition of the Grand Council and the establishment of the State Council were endorsed by the National Assembly, if the National Assembly lacked authority, then the State Council would also lack authority.

Thinking of this, Yuan Shikai couldn't help but sigh: "Strive for the top, we must strive for the top. If Wuhan were to use the National Assembly to integrate Hunan, Hubei, Sichuan, Anhui, Henan and Jiangxi, and then extend its reach into Guangdong and Shanxi through the railway, then half of China would be in their hands. How could my Beiyang government develop?"

Xu Shichang nodded and said, "That's right. Judging from today's events, Wuhan's ambitions are enormous. What they want is not just to carve out a corner of Jiangdong, but to swallow the whole country. However, the Labor Party's principles are not popular with the people, so we can still compete. But Wuhan's power is growing too fast, while we are being hampered at every turn. If we don't accept their proposal, the Beiyang government may not even have a chance to compete."

Yuan Shikai nodded and said, "As the ancients said, 'Don't start something once, and don't stop twice.' Since things have come to this, we can no longer follow Wuhan's lead, otherwise the Manchus' resources will fall into their hands. We certainly can't let Cui Yugui go, and all the palace guards must be replaced. It's definitely necessary to arrange police to guard the four gates of the Imperial City. Is there anything else they need to do next?"

Xu Shichang thought for a moment and said, "Before we parted, Qin Lishan told me that Russian spies seemed to be rampant in the capital. It is said that Baiyun Temple has close ties with the Russians. He thought we should follow the trail from Baiyun Temple and arrest all the traitors who are in close contact with Russian spies. Baiyun Temple is under the protection of Li Lianying and is even favored by the Empress Dowager. Obviously, they want us to deal with Li Lianying."

After a moment's thought, Yuan Shikai said, "Then continue the investigation, using the name of the National Assembly. Isn't Qin Lishan also going to investigate the accounts of the Imperial Household Department? Have someone inform him about Xiao Dezhang's affair as well. With Li Lianying, Cui Yugui, and Xiao Dezhang gone, the palace will have no channels to exert influence. Then we can slowly begin to deal with Beijing..."

On August 6, newspapers in Beijing published an account of how parliamentary representatives entered the palace to examine Emperor Guangxu's health. However, the public was not concerned about Emperor Guangxu's physical condition, but rather about the dialogue between the parliamentary representatives and Emperor Guangxu in the latter part of the article.

Emperor Guangxu was under house arrest for seven or eight years, and the people had effectively excluded him from the center of power. Although he was still the highest-ranking monarch in name, no one believed that he still possessed such power. Everyone knew that the edicts issued in Emperor Guangxu's voice were actually the will of Empress Dowager Cixi.

This sudden move by Parliament made the people realize once again that the supreme authority in the country still belonged to the Emperor, not anyone else, and that it was clearly illegitimate for Empress Dowager Cixi to issue edicts in the name of Emperor Guangxu. Now that Parliament had openly stated this, what would the Empress Dowager do? Would she shut down the newspapers, or dissolve Parliament and arrest and punish those responsible?

While the people of Beijing were discussing the matter, a group of Manchu and Han officials were also arguing in the Fozhao Tower about what had happened in the palace the day before. However, Empress Dowager Cixi did not even look at the Manchu and Han officials in front of her. She just kept sending people to ask when Zhang Zhidong and Yuan Shikai would arrive, but the people she sent never gave a definite answer.

Gradually, the Manchu and Han officials inside the Fozhao Tower also noticed something amiss, and their arguments began to subside. As noon approached, finally, definite news arrived: Yuan Shikai claimed he was too busy with military affairs to go to Beijing and sent a telegram requesting his resignation as a Grand Councilor; Zhang Zhidong sent someone back saying he was ill and unable to leave his residence to attend the meeting.

Empress Dowager Cixi gritted her teeth in hatred, but her hands trembled uncontrollably, revealing that her heart was filled with more than just hatred. It took her a while to calm down, and she said in a seemingly calm tone, "Since Zhang and Yuan cannot come, then we can hold our own meeting first, and inform them of our decision later."

Under the watchful eye of Empress Dowager Cixi, Prince Qing stepped forward to preside over the meeting and said, "Today's meeting will begin with the matter of the police arresting people in the palace. Minister Xu, you are in charge of the patrol police department, so you should give us an explanation first."

Xu Shichang said with a wry smile, "Although I am in charge of the police department, I cannot interfere with the judiciary. Yesterday, His Majesty publicly accused Eunuch Cui of murder. In full view of everyone, how could I not let the police take him back for questioning? Moreover, yesterday at the palace gate, I don't know who instructed the palace guards to intercept the parliamentary representatives. The parliamentary representatives believed that this was an act of contempt for parliament, so they have ordered the palace guards to be replaced today. I can't stop them now."

Prince Qing was speechless for a moment. The Ministry of the Army was under his jurisdiction. He immediately turned his gaze to Minister Shouxun and Vice Minister Yinchang. Both of them looked blank, as if they were hearing the news for the first time. Then they defended themselves one after the other, saying that they had entered the palace immediately after receiving the imperial edict and had not been to the Ministry of the Army. Therefore, they really did not know about this matter.

Prince Qing sighed inwardly. These Manchus were indeed useless. They were officials in the Ministry of War, but when something happened in the ministry, it was the Han people who found out first. The Ministry of War did not even notify the two Manchu officers in charge of the ministry. It was obvious that they did not care about anything. How could such Manchus compete with the Han people for power and profit?

Chapter 395 Buddha's Illumination Tower

This imperial council meeting was a complete failure, at least in Xu Shichang's opinion, who stood by and watched with a cold eye. The moment he announced the rotation of palace guards, the direction of the meeting changed immediately. Compared to the rotation of palace guards, Cui Yugui's arrest was a minor matter; after all, Cui Yugui was just a servant, and arresting him was merely a slap in the face to Empress Dowager Cixi. But the rotation of palace guards jeopardized Cixi's safety.

Faced with this sudden news, the Manchu nobles present were immediately thrown into chaos. The young Prince Chun, Zaifeng, immediately declared, "Anyone who changes garrison without an imperial edict should be considered a traitor. The court should issue an order prohibiting any foreign troops from entering Beijing."

However, apart from a few young members of the imperial family who echoed his opinion, most Manchu and Han officials remained silent. Anyone with a modicum of common sense would know that if the foreign troops obeyed the National Assembly's order for troop rotation, would they then accept the court's orders? This wasn't child's play; the foreign troops couldn't simply withdraw if they didn't accept the order. This was forcing them to choose between the court and the National Assembly. Once they made their choice, they would be even less likely to obey the court's orders after entering the capital.

Military expert Rong Qing suggested that someone should be sent to persuade the troops stationed around Beijing not to act rashly, and someone else should be sent to take control of the National Assembly and then force the National Assembly to rescind the telegram he had sent.

As the leader of his three outstanding subordinates—Rongqing, Tieliang, and Duanfang—two of them were held captive in Wuhan. Rongqing, though talented, was a staunch adherent of traditional values ​​and a key figure in the opposition to the Hundred Days' Reform. His suggestions weren't necessarily ineffective, but there was a lack of manpower to implement them. Yesterday, the National Assembly representatives caused a great disturbance in the palace, and even the palace guards didn't dare to intervene. How could they possibly be expected to leave the palace to arrest the National Assembly members now?

If the palace guards couldn't be used to arrest people, then they would have to rely on Xu Shichang's police force. However, Xu Shichang pretended not to hear and completely ignored Rongqing's words. Xu Shichang's attitude puzzled some Manchu and Han officials, who suspected that Yuan Shikai had given him some information and that he wanted to use this sudden event to gain more power.

For example, under Empress Dowager Cixi's prompting glance, Prince Qing seriously asked Xu Shichang: "The troops stationed around Beijing are all under the control of the Beiyang Army. Is it possible that the Beiyang Army will accept orders from the National Assembly?"